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Reconstructing The Spanner Operation 1983 to 1990
THE PROSTITUTION AND PORN EMPIRE OF JOHN ALLEN. (herein referred to as “Mr.X”)
(Extracts from the Scallywag article from the 1990’s detailing corruption involving John Allen’s various business interests and senior Conservatives.)
“PLAYGROUND FOR PERVERTS
The children’s homes collectively called the Bryn Alyn Community, under the management of Mr X, turned over in excess of £12 million every year. It cost £1,000-£1,500 per week of public money to keep a child in care. According to the policeman in charge of the investigation, Supt Ackerley, £440,000 disappeared from the accounts in 1987 alone. We know this money was used to fund luxury flats in London, Brighton and
elsewhere. These apartments were high class homosexual brothels, where Mr X kept, on a permanent basis, rent boys to cater for his VIP clients.
Regular visitors included not only xxxx xxxxxxxx, who always enjoyed preferential treatment from Mr X when he turned up at one of the homes in search of a little boy, but also other establishment figures such as the late xxxx xxxxxx, former Chairman of the North Wales Police Authority, xxx xxxxxxx, MP for Conwy and currently Minister of State at the Welsh Office, xxxx xxxx-xxxxx, son of Mr xxxxxxx xxxxx and the regular film critic on the Independent newspaper, and six police officers, among them a former superintendent and prominent freemason in Clywd, Gordon Angelsea, who has since retired and is, at present, under prosecution for raping a minor. The police are aware of allegations of paedophile activities against all the above. Part of this story has been reported in other papers. In fact, the Observer, the Independent on Sunday, HTV and Private Eye are being sued for libel by ex Supt Angelsea. But ever since the illegal activities inside the Bryn Alyn Community were exposed, shortly after the local council in North Wales had changed from Tory hands to Labour, no one has got to the bottom of it. No one has dared mention the name of xxxx xxxxxxxx in connection with sex with an underage boy, even though there is in existence a sworn affidavit from the victim and a sworn police statement, and despite the fact that the police in the case against Mr X seem to take the victim seriously enough to use him as a chief witness for the prosecution. No one has stumbled across the connection between the paedophile ring and close friends of xxxxxxxx and xxxxxx. Or, for that matter, traced paedophile material produced by one of Mr X’s companies in Amsterdam to an address in Dolphin Square, which we have stated in previous issues was under surveillanceor some time by British Customs and where xxxxxxxx and xxxxxx were known to visit.
Let’s recap the story surrounding Mr X and the homes he managed. Until a Labour council took control in Clywd in 1989, Mr X had enjoyed virtual immunity under the protection of corrupt and implicated policemen and with the connivance of the Conservative council who had repressed files of photographic evidence which showed beaten and bruised children for over eight years before and were well aware of the rumours gushing out of homes in Gwynedd and Wrexham, but who did nothing to investigate them. In fact, the moment the council did react, over 300 victims of child abuse came to light. In Gwynedd alone there were 146 separate allegations during 1980-90. It led Malcolm King, chairman of Clwyd’s Social Services to remark: “We are looking at the biggest failure to protect children in the history of Britain”.
The scandal involved girls as well as boys, one as young as nine. There were five illegitimate pregnancies recorded and numerous accusations of savage violence and rape perpetrated by members of staff under the control of Mr X. Not surprisingly there were also bitter claims of a cover up going back more than a decade. Indeed, a former North Wales Police Authority Chairman claimed his calls six years before for an inquiry had been deliberately stifled. However, in 1989, an internal police inquiry led by Det Supt Ackerley took over 1,500 statements. A later Joplin inquiry put under suspicion the following six police officers, all of whom have now taken early retirement
There were stories of witnesses and people associated with the inquiry being intimidated. Alex Saddington, the Welsh co-ordinator for the National Association of Young People in Care, was beaten up and had chemicals sprayed in his eyes. xxxxxx xxxxxxx, a key witness against Supt Angelsea was beaten up for the second time. A local BBC journalist who had been working on the child abuse case for 18 months was the victim of a mysterious burglary.
THE EMPIRE OF MR X
At the time of the child abuse enquiries, the press only scratched the surface of a paedophile porn empire created by Mr X over 20 years. It was almost inconceivably evil; to take little boys in care from homes owned by Mr X such as 34 Inverness Terrace, Bayswater, which has since closed down, or from homes in Castle Road and Finchley Place in London, and subject these children to systematic abuse over a period of years, so they began to accept this treatment as perfectly normal. Many of the victims, as adults, now suffer from grave psychological problems, manic depression, and drug and alcohol dependencies.
There was a great deal of money to be made. Mr X, first and foremost, was a businessman. He used to hire out boys as caddies to the more prestigious members of Wrexham Golf club. They were forced to do a lot more than simply carry the clubs. For the right price, boys could be collected from any one of his homes and taken out for the night. His favourites were lavishly wined and dined, showered in expensive gifts and often farmed out to one of his many rent boy brothels throughout the country. For example; xxxxxx xxxx, who was moved to 66 Stockwell Grove Wrexham, had the house bought for him, along with a top of the range white Sierra car. Mr X also financially maintained numerous boys at houses in Edgware Road, London. Chester Road, Manchester, Nevinson Avenue, South Shields, Queens Park, Wrexham, Rock Street, Brighton, and so on. All these addresses were used by wealthy paedophiles for sex for cash.
THE DEN AT DOLPHIN SQUARE
Mr X also had a ready supply of boys to use in his burgeoning film business. Through a company owned by his niece in Copenhagen, paedophile material was transported to London for private showings in Dolphin Square and nearby in Winchester Street, Pimlico, where xxxxx xxxx, xxxxxxx xxxxx, MP’s boyfriend, had set up home. A source in Dolphin Square told us: “We often have underage boys wandering the corridors, totally lost, asking for the flat of a particular MP.” According to our source, young boys were often guests at private parties in Dolphin Square lasting into the small hours. “xxxxx xxxxx, who has an apartment here, is rather fond of late nights”, our source added. We can reveal Mr X supplied boys to Dolphin Square on a regular basis.The rich and powerful trusted Mr X to be discreet. That meant him sometimes ruling his juvenile empire with a rod of iron. If a boy crossed him the least he could expect was a beating, the worst, as in the case of Adrian Jones, 16, was to lose his life. Eighteen months ago Jones was living with four other boys in a boarding house in Brighton. It was just another brothel, funded by Mr X. Jones, however, got greedy and threatened to blackmail his boss. Soon afterwards, the boarding house went up in flames. All the boys died in the fire. The Sussex Fire Brigade deduced it was arson. A culprit was found. Another young boy claimed he had started the fire as a ‘prank’. He mysteriously fell under a bus and was crushed to death. Today, the Fire Brigade are pressing to have the case reopened. The prime suspect is Mr X. Apart from the children’s homes, the upmarket prostitution, and a lucrative sideline in paedophile literature, Mr X had six other businesses. With sick irony, through two of his companies, Video People and Tape to Tape, he produced a song for charity in 1988. The charity was Save The Children. By all accounts, it did rather well.”
Read the full unredacted text here: (scroll down)
I can also add that it was known that older boys were given cars to use for the day from John Allen’s fleet of company vehicles, when clients were to be met by appointment; and also that, apart from the Brighton address, at least one other of the addresses given above – 34 Inverness Terrace, Bayswater, – was at the time similarly linked to Nicholas van Hoogstraten.
I must have led a very sheltered life!
One twisted law for the innocent – no law for the guilty.
Extract from The Testimony of Andrea Davison to the Macur Review:
2.2 During the course of the investigation clear links were identified between illegal arms sales, drugs trafficking, support for terrorist groups and the sale and distribution of child pornography, including snuff videos. The illegal arms trade is connected to a much larger organised criminal network. The fact that sections of the Conservative Government, the police and government agencies were involved made it more perilous and destructive to the fabric of society. No-one knew who is working for whom!
2.3 I was later to give evidence of these matters in secret to Lord Justice Scott’s Inquiry into ‘Arms to Iraq’ (Sample Documents 1 and 2)
2.4 I became involved in the investigation of child abuse in 1989 whilst carrying out a search of a suspect xxxxxxxxx premises. We found hard drugs and child pornography in video and photographic form. Some of it looked ritualistic. The suspect was involved with a company called xxxx Technology. xxxxx was engaged in research at a building connected with Bangor University. The investigation concerned tech transfer of biological weapons data to Iraq. xxxxxxxx lived close to and was associated with xxxxxx who ran the xxxxxx gym in xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx following further investigation it was discovered that xxxxxxxxxx was distributing pornography on a large scale including child porn videos and highly priced snuff videos, where a child would be sexually abused and murdered on film. xxxxxxx a former mercenary was involved with another mercenary xxxxxx who had been in Angola. xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxe were protected by the Police and certain sections of the intelligence community for which they worked, I understand, on contract.
2.5 Following the discovery of the child porn, mentioned above I decided to run an unsanctioned parallel investigation into child pornography. This included an investigation into ‘snuff’ videos. I discovered some of the children exploited were from local children’s homes where there appeared to exist a ready supply of children.
The Richie Allen Show – Former British Intel Operative Andrea Davison, on the run for exposing child sex abuse: (see also: State Take-Down of Scallywag Magazine )
“Questions of health and morality”, indeed!
The 10 Downing Street Connection = Bryn Alyn
Thoughts on the subject as related to the overlap with the Spanner case.
(from the “Westminster Paedophile Ring” thread, posting number 522)
“Why had a corrupt senior officer of Manchester Children’s Services been allowed to operate for many years as a pimp for John Allen’s child prostitution racket?
Why was the officer never questioned or charged after being reported to Downing Street in 1985 for threatening the author of a report on Bryn Alyn in 1983? (Ref: Lost in Care 21.115 / Letter to 10 Downing Street (Reply 4th june 1985)
Why was he never sacked by Manchester Social Services?
Why were he and John Allen given full backing for taking no action on child abuse reported at Bryn Alyn in 1983.
Why had no action been taken over the report which stated there had been no mandatory records available or taken at Blackley House, Bryn
Alyn including fire, health, medications, or general day notes.
Why had there been no follow up interventions of any of the many
Social Services Departments involved, particularly since the report recommended a full investigation, and full monitoring of all Bryn Alyn operations in/from 1983 onwards? (Ref: Lost in Care 21.114)
Why had John Allen been so important to number 10?
Why had there been no request to interview or speak with the author of the report, since he had further information to offer ? (Ref: Lost in Care 21.113)
Were the various Social Services departments still unaware of the abuse after 10 Downing Street and the Home Office had been informed in 1985? (Ref: Lost in Care 21.115)
If the matter had been passed to the Welsh Office, why had no actions been undertaken, save for a few visits to John Allen?
Why had it taken until Operation Pallial in 2014 (31 years later) before anybody had spoken to the author about matters in the report of 1983, particularly since it had been reported to 10 Downing Street in 1985?, and the correct identification of the various child victims could only be forthcoming through communication with the author of that report?
Why and how had a member of John Allen’s security been trespassing and was almost caught eavesdropping at the report author’s new secluded home in the middle of the night in South Wales in early December 1983? two weeks before the address had been registered as a new one.
Did John Allen wrongly suspect he had been set up, and worried because there was more at stake than just child abuse and child prostitution? (The mature student involved in making the report in October 1983 had only been on site for a total of 24 hours, but listed numerous cases of physical abuse, general malpractice in many circumstances, including preventing children from going home at the weekend, and false accounting/making a false statement to police by John Allen personally).(Ref: Lost in Care 21.113).
Is that why visitors to the whistleblower’s house had been raided by the police under Operation Spanner, from 1983/87, in their quest to perhaps find a connection to John Allen, or any of Allen’s possibly missing snuff or extreme movies? “
Why had the author of the report not been invited to give evidence at the Waterhouse Inquiry?
Why had the Waterhouse Inquiry, whilst yet believing the report contents, (Ref: Lost In Care 21.133) not enquired as to why the report had never been investigated? (First investigated by Operation Pallial National Crime Agency in 2014.)
Considering John Allen’s lucrative connections to the possible making and supply of exireme child porn and snuff movies, and trading of these in Amsterdam, had these same businesses and connections been above the authority of 10 Downing Street?
Record number of Government files kept secret in ‘affront to our democracy
Whitehall departments have refused to release sensitive historical documents ———–
A record number of files were withheld from release to the National Archives, raising concerns about the Government’s approach to transparency.
Departments applied to withhold 986 documents from 1986 and 1987 which were due to be released, The Times reported.
The papers should have gone to the National Archives in Kew, south-west London, and been made available for public inspection under the so-called 30-year rule, but officials can request that files stay secret if publication would undermine foreign relations, defence or security.
It may also be of interest to note with regard to the Bryn Alyn 50+ acre site, that it still remains under the same ownership since the 1960’s ( John Allen was only leasing the site), as far as I am aware. The landing strip is only visible from the air. There are no records available for the property, and it seems to be classed as “non-existent” by land registry.
John Allen also apparently at the time operated two private aircraft hangared at Shoreham (Brighton City Airport), and in that area, (and others, including London) had a business relationship with Nicholas van Hoogstraten, who then was based in Amsterdam, and who himself owned large sections of the rented accommodation in Brighton, and was believed to have been involved with teenage brothels staffed by Allen, and supply of drugs, among other things.