Home——Introduction—The 369 Ritual—–The Spannermen——Background Information 1 / Background Info 2 ——Archives 1 / Archives 2 / Archives 3 / Archives 4 / Archives 5 / Archives 6 / Archives 7 / Archives 8 / Archives 9 / Archives 10 / Archives 11 / Archives 12 / Archives 14 —-Appendix —-Blog Latest —-Previously Featured —-Disclaimer
Reconstructing The Spanner Operation 1983 to 1990
THE PROSTITUTION AND PORN EMPIRE OF JOHN ALLEN. (herein referred to as “Mr.X”)
(Extracts from the Scallywag article from the 1990’s detailing corruption involving John Allen’s various business interests and senior Conservatives.)
“PLAYGROUND FOR PERVERTS
The children’s homes collectively called the Bryn Alyn Community, under the management of Mr X, turned over in excess of £12 million every year. It cost £1,000-£1,500 per week of public money to keep a child in care. According to the policeman in charge of the investigation, Supt Ackerley, £440,000 disappeared from the accounts in 1987 alone. We know this money was used to fund luxury flats in London, Brighton and
elsewhere. These apartments were high class homosexual brothels, where Mr X kept, on a permanent basis, rent boys to cater for his VIP clients.
Regular visitors included not only xxxx xxxxxxxx, who always enjoyed preferential treatment from Mr X when he turned up at one of the homes in search of a little boy, but also other establishment figures such as the late xxxx xxxxxx, former Chairman of the North Wales Police Authority, xxx xxxxxxx, MP for Conwy and currently Minister of State at the Welsh Office, xxxx xxxx-xxxxx, son of Mr xxxxxxx xxxxx and the regular film critic on the Independent newspaper, and six police officers, among them a former superintendent and prominent freemason in Clywd, Gordon Angelsea, who has since retired and is, at present, under prosecution for raping a minor. The police are aware of allegations of paedophile activities against all the above. Part of this story has been reported in other papers. In fact, the Observer, the Independent on Sunday, HTV and Private Eye are being sued for libel by ex Supt Angelsea. But ever since the illegal activities inside the Bryn Alyn Community were exposed, shortly after the local council in North Wales had changed from Tory hands to Labour, no one has got to the bottom of it. No one has dared mention the name of xxxx xxxxxxxx in connection with sex with an underage boy, even though there is in existence a sworn affidavit from the victim and a sworn police statement, and despite the fact that the police in the case against Mr X seem to take the victim seriously enough to use him as a chief witness for the prosecution. No one has stumbled across the connection between the paedophile ring and close friends of xxxxxxxx and xxxxxx. Or, for that matter, traced paedophile material produced by one of Mr X’s companies in Amsterdam to an address in Dolphin Square, which we have stated in previous issues was under surveillance for some time by British Customs and where xxxxxxxx and xxxxxx were known to visit.
Let’s recap the story surrounding Mr X and the homes he managed. Until a Labour council took control in Clywd in 1989, Mr X had enjoyed virtual immunity under the protection of corrupt and implicated policemen and with the connivance of the Conservative council who had repressed files of photographic evidence which showed beaten and bruised children for over eight years before and were well aware of the rumours gushing out of homes in Gwynedd and Wrexham, but who did nothing to investigate them. In fact, the moment the council did react, over 300 victims of child abuse came to light. In Gwynedd alone there were 146 separate allegations during 1980-90. It led Malcolm King, chairman of Clwyd’s Social Services to remark: “We are looking at the biggest failure to protect children in the history of Britain”.
The scandal involved girls as well as boys, one as young as nine. There were five illegitimate pregnancies recorded and numerous accusations of savage violence and rape perpetrated by members of staff under the control of Mr X. Not surprisingly there were also bitter claims of a cover up going back more than a decade. Indeed, a former North Wales Police Authority Chairman claimed his calls six years before for an inquiry had been deliberately stifled. However, in 1989, an internal police inquiry led by Det Supt Ackerley took over 1,500 statements. A later Joplin inquiry put under suspicion the following six police officers, all of whom have now taken early retirement
There were stories of witnesses and people associated with the inquiry being intimidated. Alex Saddington, the Welsh co-ordinator for the National Association of Young People in Care, was beaten up and had chemicals sprayed in his eyes. xxxxxx xxxxxxx, a key witness against Supt Angelsea was beaten up for the second time. A local BBC journalist who had been working on the child abuse case for 18 months was the victim of a mysterious burglary.
THE EMPIRE OF MR X
At the time of the child abuse enquiries, the press only scratched the surface of a paedophile porn empire created by Mr X over 20 years. It was almost inconceivably evil; to take little boys in care from homes owned by Mr X such as 34 Inverness Terrace, Bayswater, which has since closed down, or from homes in Castle Road and Finchley Place in London, and subject these children to systematic abuse over a period of years, so they began to accept this treatment as perfectly normal. Many of the victims, as adults, now suffer from grave psychological problems, manic depression, and drug and alcohol dependencies.
There was a great deal of money to be made. Mr X, first and foremost, was a businessman. He used to hire out boys as caddies to the more prestigious members of Wrexham Golf club. They were forced to do a lot more than simply carry the clubs. For the right price, boys could be collected from any one of his homes and taken out for the night. His favourites were lavishly wined and dined, showered in expensive gifts and often farmed out to one of his many rent boy brothels throughout the country. For example; xxxxxx xxxx, who was moved to 66 Stockwell Grove Wrexham, had the house bought for him, along with a top of the range white Sierra car. Mr X also financially maintained numerous boys at houses in Edgware Road, London. Chester Road, Manchester, Nevinson Avenue, South Shields, Queens Park, Wrexham, Rock Street, Brighton, and so on. All these addresses were used by wealthy paedophiles for sex for cash.
THE DEN AT DOLPHIN SQUARE
Mr X also had a ready supply of boys to use in his burgeoning film business. Through a company owned by his niece in Copenhagen, paedophile material was transported to London for private showings in Dolphin Square and nearby in Winchester Street, Pimlico, where xxxxx xxxx, xxxxxxx xxxxx, MP’s boyfriend, had set up home. A source in Dolphin Square told us: “We often have underage boys wandering the corridors, totally lost, asking for the flat of a particular MP.” According to our source, young boys were often guests at private parties in Dolphin Square lasting into the small hours. “xxxxx xxxxx, who has an apartment here, is rather fond of late nights”, our source added. We can reveal Mr X supplied boys to Dolphin Square on a regular basis.The rich and powerful trusted Mr X to be discreet. That meant him sometimes ruling his juvenile empire with a rod of iron. If a boy crossed him the least he could expect was a beating, the worst, as in the case of Adrian Jones, 16, was to lose his life. Eighteen months ago Jones was living with four other boys in a boarding house in Brighton. It was just another brothel, funded by Mr X. Jones, however, got greedy and threatened to blackmail his boss. Soon afterwards, the boarding house went up in flames. All the boys died in the fire. The Sussex Fire Brigade deduced it was arson. A culprit was found. Another young boy claimed he had started the fire as a ‘prank’. He mysteriously fell under a bus and was crushed to death. Today, the Fire Brigade are pressing to have the case reopened. The prime suspect is Mr X. Apart from the children’s homes, the upmarket prostitution, and a lucrative sideline in paedophile literature, Mr X had six other businesses. With sick irony, through two of his companies, Video People and Tape to Tape, he produced a song for charity in 1988. The charity was Save The Children. By all accounts, it did rather well.”
Read the full unredacted text here: (scroll down)
I can also add that it was known that older boys were given cars to use for the day from John Allen’s fleet of company vehicles, when clients were to be met by appointment; and also that, apart from the Brighton address, at least one other of the addresses given above – 34 Inverness Terrace, Bayswater, – was at the time similarly linked to Nicholas van Hoogstraten.
I must have led a very sheltered life!
One twisted law for the innocent – no law for the guilty.
Extract from The Testimony of Andrea Davison to the Macur Review:
2.2 During the course of the investigation clear links were identified between illegal arms sales, drugs trafficking, support for terrorist groups and the sale and distribution of child pornography, including snuff videos. The illegal arms trade is connected to a much larger organised criminal network. The fact that sections of the Conservative Government, the police and government agencies were involved made it more perilous and destructive to the fabric of society. No-one knew who is working for whom!
2.3 I was later to give evidence of these matters in secret to Lord Justice Scott’s Inquiry into ‘Arms to Iraq’ (Sample Documents 1 and 2)
2.4 I became involved in the investigation of child abuse in 1989 whilst carrying out a search of a suspect xxxxxxxxx premises. We found hard drugs and child pornography in video and photographic form. Some of it looked ritualistic. The suspect was involved with a company called xxxx Technology. xxxxx was engaged in research at a building connected with Bangor University. The investigation concerned tech transfer of biological weapons data to Iraq. xxxxxxxx lived close to and was associated with xxxxxx who ran the xxxxxx gym in xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx following further investigation it was discovered that xxxxxxxxxx was distributing pornography on a large scale including child porn videos and highly priced snuff videos, where a child would be sexually abused and murdered on film. xxxxxxx a former mercenary was involved with another mercenary xxxxxx who had been in Angola. xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxe were protected by the Police and certain sections of the intelligence community for which they worked, I understand, on contract.
2.5 Following the discovery of the child porn, mentioned above I decided to run an unsanctioned parallel investigation into child pornography. This included an investigation into ‘snuff’ videos. I discovered some of the children exploited were from local children’s homes where there appeared to exist a ready supply of children.
Read the full report:
The Richie Allen Show – Former British Intel Operative Andrea Davison, on the run for exposing child sex abuse: (see also: State Take-Down of Scallywag Magazine )
“Questions of health and morality”, indeed!
failure to investigate
PRONOUNCED FAILURE TO INVESTIGATE REPORT AFTER AUTHOR HAD BEEN THREATENED.
The 10 Downing Street Connection = Bryn Alyn
Thoughts on the subject as related to the overlap with the Spanner case.
(from the David Icke Official Forum website (now closed) “Westminster Paedophile Ring” thread, posting number 522 [2017/2018])
Why had it taken until Operation Pallial in 2014 (31 years later) before anybody had either spoken to, or contacted the author about matters in his report of October, 1983, particularly since the fall-out from that report (the personal threats) had been reported to 10 Downing Street and the House of Commons in 1985?, and whilst anyone with half a brain cell on active duty would realise that the correct identification of the various and anonymous unidentified child victims could only be forthcoming through communication with the author/witness to those events? Why had identification of victims been of no concern for 31 years, although both direct and indirect attacks (spanning many years) upon the report author had been of a much more primary concern.
See also (new) : The Cult knows no borders.(from 0.55 seconds into the video).[China: Stalking Horse For The Global Cult – David Icke Dot-Connector Videocast]
Why had a corrupt senior officer of Manchester Children’s Services been allowed to operate for many years as a pimp (one of many) for John Allen’s child prostitution racket?
Why was the officer never questioned nor charged after being reported to Downing Street in 1985 for threatening (on behalf of claimed third parties) the author of a damning report on Bryn Alyn in 1983? (Ref: Lost in Care 21.115, where it is wrongly claimed that letter was to the Home Office / Letter to Margaret Thatcher, 10 Downing Street (Reply from 4th June 1985, in possession of the NCA as of 2015). To the best of my knowledge, a certified copy of that recorded conversation including all threats was last in the possession of the NCA during the Pallial Operation investigation in 2014/2015.
–Why was he never sacked by Manchester Social Services?
–Why were he and John Allen given full backing from Downing Street for taking no action on child abuse reported at Bryn Alyn in 1983.
–Why had no action been taken over the report which stated there had been no mandatory records available or taken at Blackley House, Bryn
Alyn including fire, health, medications, or general day notes.
–Why had there been no follow up interventions of any of the many
Social Services Departments involved, particularly since the report recommended a full investigation, and full monitoring of all Bryn Alyn operations in/from 1983 onwards? (Ref: Lost in Care 21.114)
–Why had John Allen been so important to number 10?
–Why had there been no request to interview or speak with the author of the report, since he had further information to offer ? (Ref: Lost in Care 21.113)
–Were the various Social Services departments still unaware of the abuse after 10 Downing Street and the Home Office had been informed of the threats in 1985? (Ref: Lost in Care 21.115)
–If the matter had been passed to the Welsh Office, why had no actions been undertaken, save for perhaps a few visits to John Allen? – and when the Waterhouse report had wrongly claimed that “Welsh Office intervention at Bryn Alyn could fill another whole chapter” when there had been virtually NONE AT ALL.
Had the inspectors all been paid off too with public funds?
—Why had no investigations taken place after North Wales Police had seized all the author’s documents and failed to return them in 1992, following a BBC Wales interview with the author?
–Why and how had a member of John Allen’s security been trespassing (see para.3) and was almost caught whilst eavesdropping at the report author’s new secluded home in the middle of the night in South Wales in early December 1983? two weeks before the address had been registered as a new one.
Had the Bryn Alyn Community been an MI5 operated child porn and trafficking blackmail racket under the masquerade of a “care home” for specially chosen (for whatever reason) children identified and relocated there by nationwide senior social worker pimps on the unofficial Bryn Alyn (Home Office) payroll? — This is what is being suggested through ALL the evidence I have seen over the years, – perhaps only one of many, and comfortably links into the international child trafficking and porn trades via various means and seeming coincidences. It is much too incredible a size of operation to be just the work of one or a few men, and therefore appears to be a crown set-up, with secret society links through many institutions and organisations. All evidence points in that direction, particularly with only (a few of the) abusive care staff having been prosecuted, to try and keep the matter apparently contained within the home, by ignoring the multitude of external links and trafficking involved. It was not “just a few paedophiles working in child care” as claimed by the state, and had involved almost every institution linked to the scandal from the highest levels of control.
Did John Allen wrongly suspect he had been set up, and worried because there was more at stake than just child abuse and child prostitution? (The mature student involved in making the report in October 1983 had only been on site for a total of 24 hours, but listed numerous cases of physical abuse, general malpractice in many circumstances, including preventing children from going home at the weekend, and false accounting/making a false statement to police by John Allen personally).(Ref: Lost in Care 21.113).
Is that why visitors to the whistleblower’s previous house had been raided by the police under Operation Spanner, from 1983/87, in their quest to perhaps find a connection to John Allen, or any of Allen’s possibly missing snuff or extreme movies? “ – Or had the interventions come from a much higher level than Downing Street, as it would appear that the Prime Minister’s Office had little or no control over such matters.
A) Because it had been imperative to their corrupt and sleazy existence as crown agents to continue with the corruption, the child abuse and murders, and instead threaten, intimidate and target those who were believed to be (but were actually not) the whistleblower’s visitors instead.
B) Because “We absolutely cannot trust the British Government, as it is a criminal paedophile government” (-Brian Gerrish of UK Column @ 9.23 of this video)
Lost In Care:
Why had the author of the report not been informed of; nor invited to give evidence at; the Waterhouse Inquiry? (Well, of course the evidence was carefully avoided by the resulting document “Lost in Care”, so his evidence would be contradictory to both the minor and falsified details referred to in Lost in Care for a start).
Why had the Waterhouse Inquiry, whilst yet referring to and cherry-picking minor comments/ content in that report, (21.113, and Ref: Lost In Care 21.133), not enquired as to why the report had never been investigated? (First investigated by Operation Pallial National Crime Agency in 2014, 31 years later). (Because the whole point of the tribunal/Inquiry had been intended to limit and prevent any investigation of further evidence).
Considering John Allen’s lucrative connections to the possible making and supply of extreme child porn and snuff movies, and trading of these in Amsterdam and Copenhagen, had these same businesses and connections been above the authority of 10 Downing Street?
– Well, apparently so! (also refer to Andrea Davison statement in that respect).
How the system works:
“The CIA is actually the organisation behind all the child trafficking in the western world and beyond, and they answer to British Intelligence, and they (in turn) answer to the British Crown.” – Fiona Bartlett.
Record number of Government files kept secret in ‘affront to our democracy‘
Whitehall departments have refused to release sensitive historical documents ———–
A record number of files were withheld from release to the National Archives, raising concerns about the Government’s approach to transparency.
Departments applied to withhold 986 documents from 1986 and 1987 which were due to be released, The Times reported.
The papers should have gone to the National Archives in Kew, south-west London, and been made available for public inspection under the so-called 30-year rule, but officials can request that files stay secret if publication would undermine foreign relations, defence or security.
It may also be of interest to note with regard to the Bryn Alyn 50+ acre site, that it still remains under the same ownership since the 1960’s ( John Allen was only leasing the site), as far as I am aware. The landing strip is only visible from the air. There are no records available for the property, and it seems to be classed as “non-existent” by land registry.
John Allen also apparently at the time operated two private aircraft hangared at Shoreham (Brighton City Airport), and in that area, (and others, including London) had a business relationship with Nicholas van Hoogstraten, who then was based in Amsterdam, and who himself owned large sections of the rented accommodation in Brighton, and was believed to have been involved with teenage brothels staffed by Allen, and supply of drugs, among other things.
(Reposted from Archives 3)
The Operation Spanner Involuntary Gay Cure of Death and Rebirth.
Through the operational codes, 666+111=777 (=21/ 2+1=3 completion), and 3+6=9+3(as 1+1+1)=12=3 (completion), it can be shown that one of the many parallel underlying intentions of the raids and sacrificial culling was to incorporate, initiate (through death and reincarnation) and impose a form of perceived “gay cure” to those victims who were chosen for this procedure. The main signature of the ritual, 777 or 21 itself indicates death and rebirth are used.
This may possibly also be confirmed by the chosen name of the operation -“Spanner”- signifying that where (of the six triangles on the hexagram) it was believed the men had fallen from the top dead centre (tdc) of the triangle norm (as required by the church – and signifying the heterosexual alpha male) to the triangle to one side or the other of top dead centre position of the hexagram (signifying the gay male, or as deviance from the norm), the central hexagon [illustrated as green in the diagram below, and denoting where the blue (male) triangle intersects with the pink (female) triangle] may thus be turned (through death and reincarnation)- as a nut turned by a spanner – to realign the male (as heterosexual alpha) at the top dead centre position on the hexagram in order to be accepted by the Church.
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikiped…_triangles.png (showing blue alpha male at tdc)
“This is a short clip from Mark Passio’s interview with Occult Empire on the topic of Thelema. In this clip, Mark Passio explains the significance of the numbers 666, 9, 777, 3, and 93 and how their patterns relate to lower and higher levels of consciousness…” –
Full interview now available in Appendix, xi.